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With the arguable acumen of accepting suffered several bouts of aggressive rule, Pakistan is hardly a alarm for chargeless expression. Alike at the best of times in its 70-year history, the country has had to argue with institutionalised impulses to barrier people’s political aspirations and abridge their accent and thought.
Since the alpha of the new millennium all this has alone gotten worse as Pakistan has emerged, according to abounding all-around indices, as one of the best alarming places in the apple to convenance journalism and exercise chargeless speech. At atomic 120 journalists accept been dead in the band of assignment aback 2000, and there is a apparent acceleration in censorship of not alone boilerplate media but additionally of the Internet, breadth bodies accept confused their thoughts afterwards activity aside in added avenues. But a new law has afresh criminalised online bone too. Surveillance and browbeating accompanying to chargeless accent on the Internet are growing.
Over the accomplished two years, several citizens and alike political activists accept been kidnapped, bent and prosecuted on accuse such as crime and blasphemy, alike aback abounding of them were alone cogent their opinions and speaking up about issues that are no best covered in the boilerplate media. How did all this appear about? How did alike the acknowledgment of capitalism abort to afford our long-held civic accoutrements of apparent and active censorship and the law of silence?
What bigger way to highlight all this than through the words of addition who has apparent it all! With bristles decades of accessible annual and assignment acquaintance abaft him, Ayaz Amir has played abounding roles: a soldier, diplomat, baby-kisser and journalist. He has had a love-hate accord with backroom in accepted and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) in accurate — a affair he abutting and alert quit. Afterwards abrogation the PMLN for the additional time in 2013, he never abutting addition affair admitting the actuality that in 2008 he polled the accomplished cardinal of votes garnered by any affiliate of the Civic Assembly from a constituency in Punjab (over 125,000 votes in NA-60, Chakwal).
But Amir is best accepted for his journalism. He has analysed the body and anima of Pakistan and its denizens, and has about presented both the insider’s annual of the country’s chequered political change as able-bodied as the outsider’s angle of aggravation at how things accept gone wrong. Accepted for speaking his mind, and eloquently so, he is advised a columnist’s columnist, a writer’s biographer and the baron of the Queen’s English.
Here, Amir talks about the affiliation amid his claimed cocky and his politics, and the polarities and perspectives therein. And by cogent his own story, he additionally explains Pakistan’s ailing attraction with assessment repression and anticipation control.
Adnan Rehmat. Considering your about accelerating apple view, why didn’t any party, abnormally a accelerating one, ascendancy any address for you afterwards you abdicate the PMLN? Accept you accustomed up alive backroom for good?
Ayaz Amir. I was absolutely aboriginal associated with Mairaj Muhammad Khan’s Qaumi Mahaz-e-Azadi. I anticipation it [had taken] the aisle to revolution. I was naïve — not innocent in everything, but innocent in politics. My ancestor was a affiliate of the Civic Assembly [from the platform] of the Pakistan Peoples Affair (PPP). Aback he died he was active in the PPP flag. I travelled with the PPP for some time, aback addition brought me a bulletin from Benazir Bhutto allurement me to accomplish up my apperception whether I capital to be in journalism or in politics. So, I was with the PPP afore I was with the PMLN.
Because my ancestor was a politician, I capital to comedy that role too and so I did. I larboard the PPP while it was in ability [in 1988-90] and abutting the PMLN [for the additional time] aback it was in the activity afterwards Accepted Pervez Musharraf’s coup. That was the best aeon in my activity because I was a announcer with circadian Dawn and in Chakwal I was a bounded activity politician. Anon television came forth and I additionally started authoritative some money [by hosting a allocution show] — annihilation could be bigger than this.
I accept fought three elections — won two, absent one almost in Musharraf’s time in 2002. But I accept had my ample of politics. That affair is gone now. As for journalism, I continue. I may accept chock-full autograph my English cavalcade — if Dawn would not accept me and I accept differences with The News, there aren’t abounding added avenues actuality [in English]. So I became an Urdu columnist. How abounding English columnists accept become Urdu columnists? Almost none.
Rehmat. As a announcer – both as a accepted columnist and as a television host and analyst – you were for a connected time recognised as a articulate analyzer of the military’s role in politics. Somewhere bottomward the band you ashen your stance. Was this due to acerbity with your old party, or because of your old affiliation with the army, or partly a aftereffect of the establishment’s burden on the media?
Amir. I anticipate ‘disillusionment’ would be the amiss chat but there was absolutely an acrimony adjoin my own party. Aback I was growing up in my father’s household, our foremost commodity of acceptance was that what was amiss with Pakistan was that elections had never been held. And I would apprehend my ancestor say (this was during Fatima Jinnah’s presidential attack in 1964-65) that “when accepted elections appear in Pakistan, aggregate will become alright”. I grew up assertive this. Aback Zulfikar Ali Bhutto delivered his extemporaneous accent afterwards he became president, he said: “The long, aphotic night is over.” As a 20-year-old in the army, I listened to this accent in my billet in Lahore on television. I said to myself, “How advantageous is my bearing that I am on the beginning of my adolescence and the long, aphotic night is now activity to be over and the aureate approaching beckons.” But afresh it went sour.
Because of my father, I was able to alteration from the army and accompany the adopted service. I was acquaint to Moscow. During the 1977 movement adjoin Bhutto, I accommodated from adopted service. On April 15, 1977, I wrote a two-paragraph agenda to my agent in which I said, “Mr Bhutto has mocked both socialism and capitalism and because of him I can apprehend the barge of boot boots.” Three weeks later, Bhutto was ousted. Afterwards his beheading in 1979, I led a advance in Chakwal and was confined afterwards adverse a aggressive court. In 1981, I was confined afresh for bristles months.
When Benazir Bhutto came aback [from exile] while we were active beneath Accepted Ziaul Haq’s dictatorship, our commodity of acceptance afresh was that what Pakistan bare was democracy. And aloof as we acclimated to accept in the 1960s that elections could booty affliction of everything, our commodity of acceptance in the 1980s was that aback capitalism alternate aggregate would be alright. Afresh Zia went and Benazir became prime minister. But this was a altered capitalism [from what we had admired for]. There was ‘Mr Ten Per Cent’, and the ISI [Inter-Services Intelligence] was arresting adjoin that government. The government additionally fabricated its own allotment of mistakes. Nawaz Sharif too was not all that different. We accept apparent what capitalism could do.
It was afterwards Accepted Musharraf’s accomplishment that my journalism absolutely took off. I acclimated to address a account cavalcade for Dawn announcement his aggressive government. He had a abundant befalling afore him but he did not accept the acuteness to visualise all the possibilities that lay afore him. Pakistan could absolutely accept got rid of Accepted Zia’s religious laws.
This could accept become a advanced association anchored durably in the law. So abundant could accept happened but he did not accept the imagination. He could accept been the anti-Zia but wasn’t. He could accept antipodal the course of Pakistani history but did not. Although in some agency he did — baby things like actuality able to accept your beer or whiskey with your meal in abounding restaurants in Islamabad. But that was about it. I anticipate his was amidst the bigger governments that Pakistan has had.
But why did I lose acceptance in politics? Besides an aspect of claimed acrimony adjoin my party, it was additionally because of a bigger acknowledgment of how the arrangement works. Honestly, there is alone so abundant of a shelf activity that politicians can have. Nowhere abroad do you accept politicians adhering to top positions for decades like they do here. Politicians and political leaders in Europe are acceptable adolescent — attending at the new Austrian adjudicator [Sebastian Kurz who is alone 31].
Even David Cameron [was absolutely young] aback he became prime minister. But actuality no one seems to retire to acquiesce bodies to alpha adolescent [in politics]. There are no best account in our politics. It is aloof the aforementioned old personalities. If you aloof analyse their statements and speeches, there is annihilation new or substantial. Aforementioned old, aforementioned old. Apprehend Pakistani newspapers — they accept nothing. I acclimated to absorb two hours [a day] account newspapers. Now I aloof glance through them. There is annihilation in there.
Rehmat. In your affiliated roles as a journalist, analyst, analyst and opinion-maker over the years, what has been your acquaintance appliance your appropriate to abandon of expression? Breadth did the burden appear from the most? Your own party, the establishment, parliament, religious groups or the media itself? Were you anytime accusable or censored for your views?
Amir. I accept accustomed bearding belletrist and aggressive buzz calls but not too many. I accustomed a letter from addition claiming to be [then Lashkar-e-Jhanvi chief] Riaz Basra. Thrice I accustomed aggressive blast calls on the affair of Mumtaz Qadri [who murdered Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer over allegations of blasphemy] and I was abused in best Punjabi. Alert I took it, but the third time I was calumniating in acknowledgment and the calls stopped. But I accept been fortunate.
In Accepted Zia’s time, intelligence agencies would baptize bodies as ‘anti-state’. For a connected time, my accessories in the Herald would not be agitated beneath my name. Aback afresh there was austere pre-publication censorship. Those altitude are not present today. The armament advancing aloft the media now are different. You cannot address adjoin [real acreage tycoon] Malik Riaz. Already The Account did not broadcast my cavalcade that agitated criticism of him alike admitting its sister publication, Jang, appear an Urdu translation.
Rehmat. What capacity accept you begin the hardest to allocution about, both as a baby-kisser and as a journalist/professional commentator? Accept these issues afflicted aback the 1970s?
Amir. The 1970s were a altered world. A lot has afflicted aback then, and for the better. You are now able to allocution a lot about things you were not able to aback then. The best abominable burden on the media today comes in the breadth of religious discussion. There are abounding religious things you cannot discuss. A agnate burden comes from bartering interests, which is conceivably the best destructive censorship of all. We are actual accessible about the political classes. We accept become accessible alike about generals over the years and now additionally about board sometimes. But because of the ability of advertising, the media has to beacon bright of bartering interests.
Rehmat. How do you analyze the abandon of announcement in the eras of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Bhutto, Zia and Musharraf? What was the ebb and breeze of achievement and disillusionment like?
Amir. The adolescent men and women of today would not be able to acknowledge how belted the ambit of announcement were afore this millennium. Not aloof Ayub’s era and Yahya’s reign, but additionally the Bhutto years. Ayub’s years were airless with a akin political environment. Bhutto could not abide a agnostic or a chargeless press. Zia absurd bottomward on aggregate associated with the PPP, Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Benazir, but the ambit of announcement paradoxically began to accessible in his years.
It was during his canicule that the cardinal of newspapers began to increase. The Muslim came out in Islamabad and the Frontier Post in Peshawar and Lahore. Urdu affidavit were additionally accustomed permission to appear out from altered cities. So, beneath this harshest, blackest of dictators, the concrete amplitude of the columnist expanded. And there were bodies like [editor and journalist] Irshad Ahmed Haqqani and Hamid Mir’s father, Waris Mir, who could address aboveboard and did so, and their autograph was tolerated.
When Mohammad Khan Junejo became prime abbot [in 1985] that was aback the columnist absolutely began to accessible up. Aback I started autograph for Dawn in [the] Zia years, for two years I could alone address beneath a pseudonym — I was artlessly the ‘Watchman’. It was alone afterwards Junejo came that I could assuredly address beneath my own name. Martial law was aerial in December 1985. From January 1986 till the accession of Benazir Bhutto [from banishment in April that year] — that is aback things began to accessible up. The amplitude for announcement sprouted and flowered.
The best advanced of bodies was Accepted Musharraf. No announcer suffered any affectionate of castigating activity during his nine years. The present media is his gift. Television channels acknowledging him came afterwards but he was one actuality whose aggressive accomplishment was accustomed by the English press. He was additionally adequate with the media. He was a man who could ascendancy his own afore the television cameras. He already captivated a affair with columnists [soon afterwards demography over power] and I told him, “Sir, this is a country of entertainment-seekers. There is annihilation actuality added absorbing than politics. So, amuse acquiesce accessible altercation on television and acquiesce alive advantage of backroom on Pakistan Television (PTV).” He mooted this in his chiffonier which absitively on one alive television programme [on politics]. Musharraf said, “Ayaz should do it.”
And this admitting my account cavalcade in Dawn consistently announcement Accepted Musharraf. So, the aboriginal alive political altercation on PTV in Musharraf’s administration was amorphous by me. No democrat would booty this decision. Such decisions should accept appear from the Bhuttos, the Benazirs and the Sharifs, but it was taken by a dictator.
Rehmat. What do you anticipate makes our media one of the easiest punching accoutrements of the ability elite?
Amir. Historically, the repression of the media in Pakistan has appear from the state. Now it is advancing from everywhere. [But] is media repression today harsher than it was in Karachi until recently? No one could name MQM [Muttahida Qaumi Movement] in [television] discussions.
News accustomed from Nine Zero [the MQM headquarters] through fax every atramentous and newspapers were beneath an obligation to backpack it on a assertive page. Alike the best admired newspapers abided by this accepted rule. We started allotment the MQM alone afterwards the aggressive operation in 2016 in Karachi. It may be accessible division on the MQM now, but not too connected ago the absolute nation was fabricated earnest to Altaf Hussain on every television approach whenever he fabricated a speech, with no one adventuresome to appearance annihilation else.
I am abiding the allotment of the accompaniment and its agencies will be baby in the aerial cardinal of fatalities amid journalists. No Columnist and Advertisement Ordinance or any agnate atramentous law is actuality implemented by the [provincial] governments or the federal government. There can be the odd adventure of some bearding or airy bureau acrimonious up a announcer and teaching them a lesson.
There is a accepted ataxia in Pakistan [that is to be abhorrent for the rest]. All the affiliated journalists had to leave their homes [a few years ago]. Some had no best but to become spokesmen for the Taliban. [One of them conducted] a acclaimed account of [Taliban spokesman] Muslim Khan and he is so attractive with the interviewee. I would draw a acumen amid accompaniment repression and the acts adjoin media bodies because of the accepted accompaniment of law and order.
Rehmat. Commodity 19 of Pakistan’s Constitution guarantees abandon of announcement as a axiological appropriate but places big restrictions on this abandon (banning ‘undue’ criticism of the military, judiciary, Islam and ‘friends of Pakistan’) so as to abate the basal apriorism of the article. Why do you anticipate Pakistan cannot assurance its citizens with abandon of expression?
Amir. The army was a angelic cow aback I entered journalism. No announcer anytime took the name of the ISI in their letters or columns. But aback the Musharraf regime, no journalists would accede their commodity complete unless they had bashed the army, whether justifiably or not. The botheration actuality is commodity abroad — can you allege up aboveboard in aegis of Asia Bibi [who was accused of blasphemy]?
Can you say: why is that the law activated to this woman? There is addition like [Nawaz Sharif’s son-in-law] Captain Safdar who sang praises of Mumtaz Qadri in parliament. This is the altitude we alive in. In which added country, including in the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Morocco and Kuwait, are there rallies, processions and seminars on the certitude of the prophethood? But actuality it happens and is religiously appear after questioning. Can you say this is a ‘non-issue’? You cannot. So, we can criticise democracy, the army and the ISI, but we aloof cannot criticise these religious issues.
[The media’s focus is additionally skewed.] Why do we accept to acquisition out what happened in cloister in the Raymond Davis [The media’s focus is additionally skewed.] Why do we accept to acquisition out what happened in cloister in the Raymond Davis affair from his book only? Breadth is the media uproar on the abominable displacement of Turkish agents admitting a cloister adjustment adjoin it?
Rehmat. Neither aggressive rulers nor adopted democrats accept anytime been addicted of able abandon of announcement — from Ayub Khan’s abominable Columnist and Advertisement Ordinance to Nawaz Sharif’s Prevention of Cyberbanking Crimes Act (that criminalises bone online) to the laws actuality proposed in both Punjab and Sindh to regulate/strangulate book media. What do these ability elites appetite censored?
Amir. There is no allegory amid altitude as they already existed and the abandon of announcement that we adore now. [Journalism] was a beggarly, poor profession, one for alone dropouts, misfits and the unemployed. Now journalists alike get Mercedes cars as incentives to break on. We cannot [compare] the times in which we are active now [with the past] admitting that aspect of accumulated burden and censorship.
In Ayub’s time the columnist was almost tolerated. The attitude of bodies in ascendancy appear associates of the columnist was contemptuous. The media is now recognised as the best affecting aspect in the ability structure. The sad affair is that we are not authoritative use of the befalling provided to the media in agreement of freedoms. There are things we should be autograph about and discussing but we are not.
Rehmat. Aback the Pakistan Cyberbanking Media Regulatory Ascendancy (Pemra) law came forth in 2002, the apprehension was that the ‘silent majority’ will assuredly acquisition its articulation and Pakistan’s abundantly assorted political, social, ethnic, linguistic and cultural pluralisms would apparent as accessible absorption journalism. Instead, best of the media is talking about the aforementioned things through the aforementioned set of elitist groups and alms the aforementioned perspectives on a bound account of topics. How did this appear about? Has the media been co-opted? By who? Who does the media absolutely address to?
Amir. Firstly, best media is concentrated in three big cities: Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. Secondly, media buying is a allotment of the accumulated buying mural in this country. Thirdly, media buying by bartering interests is a absorber to assure non-journalism interests [of media owners] and a agency of admission [for them] to the structures of power. If your absolute absorption is accomplishment of blades, cigarettes, affable oil, absolute acreage or active colleges, the media is your force multiplier.
This agency that accessible absorption journalism gets compromised. Working journalists accept to cross aural the tight, attenuate margins of ‘dos’ aching by above flanks of ‘don’ts’. If that’s not enough, bandy in some angelic beasts to the mix. What charcoal are acceptable whipping boys — the political chic can be aerated at will and occasionally the odd general. No one cartel blow big business.
Rehmat. With book media not apprehend by alike a division of the population, and cyberbanking media spectacularly declining to serve as the guardian of accessible interest, amusing media seems like the people’s medium. But an apocalyptic trend of administration acceptable censorship behavior and techniques is starting to apparent itself online too. Do you see this ‘people’s media’ additionally actuality subverted? By who? And what are the consequences?
Amir. It is not absolutely subverted. We absolutely accept the odd things like cybercrime-related pressures, the FIA [Federal Investigation Agency] demography activity adjoin bloggers. But it appears bound in ambit and is not a above issue, for now. While added absorption groups may be closing in on amusing media for abetment and control, the accompaniment has not allegedly gotten into the act in a above way yet.
This alleged accepted amusing media [is acclimated by] a actual attenuated area of the people. How abounding bodies would be tweeting in my village? How abounding of them are on WhatsApp groups? They will be there mostly for the absorbing pictures, etc. I anticipate best of the bodies in Pakistan are not allotment of the accessible address or assurance on amusing media. [They are not demography allotment in] the affectionate of altercation in which the political chic or the chattering classes excel.
We are not like America breadth amusing media is a able antecedent [of account and accessible discussion]. Trump would not be America’s admiral after it. Things accept not appear to that canyon in Pakistan yet, admitting the way bodies are attractive at Twitter and Facebook, acquaintance is growing [about] this new bogie in our bosom with its potentially massive ability to dispense assessment and perspectives. Youngsters do not apprehend newspapers in general; they do not watch what they accede complicated discussions on television.
Rehmat. Everyone wants to allocution about aggregate in Pakistan but best of it is not allowed. What will give?
Amir. Accessible absorption issues are not big in Pakistan. Subjects like religion, rights of the marginalised and the repressed are areas of altercation not invoked [due to] the dangers for the media in absorption on them. Some minorities can be discussed, others not. You cannot accept a rational altercation about Ahmadis in Pakistan. You can still altercate some things about Hazaras — that they are a threatened association active in a connected accompaniment of fear. But a rational altercation about, say, the certitude of prophethood, is out of the question.
Even simpler but important issues [also get alone in media debates], such as which copse to bulb alongside our highways. Nawaz Sharif builds motorways but does not apperceive which copse to bulb forth them. Breadth is the media on that? Attending at the alarming artificial arcade accoutrements broadcast everywhere and the confusion they wreak. There is no altercation on them. You cannot accept a altercation on why we accept these anti-drinking laws in Pakistan that accomplish prohibition. Indian magazines can backpack surveys on the sex lives of Indians. You cannot do that in Pakistan. No sex please, we are Pakistanis. No allocution of bubbler please, we are Pakistanis. There are capacity apparent by their absence.
Am I bleak or optimistic that these self-enforced or evidently activated restrictions on media discussions of accessible absorption issues will abandon in the average to long-term? I anticipate we Pakistanis abridgement adequacy in abounding areas. We accept not been able to administer assertive things. Governance is one of them. There are massive shortcomings [in our society]. The media’s shortcomings are a allotment of those beyond shortcomings.
Rehmat. Aback you were adopted as a aldermanic in 2008 you were asked to stop autograph for Dawn to abstain a battle of interest. Instead, you switched to addition newspaper, The News, and connected writing. That adumbrated you did not see these two audible roles as conflicting. What was your reasoning?
Amir. Yes, I was asked to stop autograph by Dawn. In the winter of 2007, I was out on my attack aisle aback [then editor] Abbas Nasir alleged me and said, “We accept discussed your position and there is a battle of interest. You should address a adieu column.”
In my absolute life, I accept not pleaded with anyone so abundant as then. I said I had been autograph for so connected and had never accounting advertising columns or affair columns and still would not do that. I additionally cited some examples such as that of left-wing baby-kisser Eric Samuel Heffer, a baton and aldermanic of the Labour Affair in the United Kingdom in the 1960s who was accompanying a approved cavalcade biographer with The Times.
But my arguments cut no ice and I was asked to stop writing. I was distraught. I afresh alleged Shaheen Sehbai of The Account who promptly agreed and I started autograph for The News. The funny affair is that while I was autograph for The News, Dawn came aback to me and said I can alpha again. And this while I was a affiliate of the Civic Assembly. It did not assignment out.
Rehmat. You accept had active stints as a soldier, politician, announcer and parliamentarian. Which one of these is the ‘premium’ Ayaz Amir?
Amir. The alone affair that I anytime admired accomplishing was journalism. The blow were paths of necessity. I started off by abutting the army because my claimed affairs at the time were such. Afterwards a abbreviate while, I had a abrupt assignment in the adopted annual but accommodated from there too anon enough. And afresh I had annihilation to do and remained unemployed. Afresh I started autograph for Mazhar Ali Khan’s advocate account Viewpoint. From there I was best up by Razia Bhatti of the Herald. I wrote consistently for the Herald afore abutting Dawn as a columnist. Somewhere in amid I got absorbed up in politics. But, really, aggregate was a aberration — it is alone journalism that I accept consistently been adequate with.
This commodity was appear in the Herald’s November 2017 issue. To apprehend added subscribe to the Herald in print.
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